Referensi Jurnal & Buku Politik

Party Politics, Volume 18 Number 6, November 2012

The Europeanization of electoral politics: An analysis of converging voting distributions
in 30 European party systems, 1970–2008
Daniele Caramani, p. 803-823
‘Nationalization’ theories have been used to explain the integration of electorates and party systems in democratizing and newly formed national polities. This article extends these theories to the ‘Europeanization’ of politics and to the European
 Union as an emerging supra-national democratic space. Analysing electoral data for national elections in 30 countries from 1970 to 2008,  the article looks at the convergence of party systems in Europe. Results attest to increasingly homogeneous voting distributions for  parties of a same family across national electorates, indicating an incipient party system institutionalization at the European level.
The article shows that homogeneous patterns are stronger for parties belonging to the left–right dimension and less so for parties stemming from cultural cleavages. In the light of the debate on democratic deficit, the structuring of electoral alignments is interpreted as enhancing the democratic linkage between voters and representatives, and seen as a prerequisite for responsive and accountable politics in the EU.
Personalization of national election campaigns
Hanspeter Kriesi, p. 825-844
The empirical evidence concerning the ‘personalization of politics' thesis is, at best, mixed. The analysis of a new data-set on the media coverage of national elections in six Western European countries serves to reinforce this overall rather sceptical conclusion.  The analysis shows that, in the national elections in the six countries covered (Austria, France, Germany, the Netherlands, Switzerland, and the United Kingdom [UK]), there is no general trend to increasing personalization or increasing concentration of  the media coverage on a limited set of particularly visible personalities. Among the six countries, the exception to this overall
assessment is the Netherlands, where we find both a trend towards increasing personalization and increasing concentration of  the public attention on a limited set of personalities. Rather than an increasing level of personalization, what we generally observe are large country-specific differences in the overall degree of personalization and of the concentration of attention on the top candidates.
Defining and measuring niche parties
Markus Wagner, p. 845-864
Various scholars have recently argued that niche parties are to be distinguished from mainstream parties, in particular because  the two party types differ in their programmes, behaviour and strategies. However, so far there has been no attempt to provide  a concise, measureable definition of the niche-party concept. In this article I argue that niche parties are best defined as parties that compete primarily on a small number of non-economic issues. The occurrence of niche parties is then operationalized and measured using issue salience information provided by expert surveys and manifesto data. After comparing the findings with existing
definitions, the main characteristics of the niche parties identified are examined in a final step.
Immigration, left and right
Sonia Alonso and Sara Claro da Fonseca, p. 865-884
Using data from the Comparative Manifestos Project, we compare the policy positions of left and right parties with regard to immigration across 18 West European countries between 1975 and 2005. We test two main hypotheses: First, we expect that mainstream parties will  exploit anti-immigrant sentiments in the electorate regardless of extreme right competition. This would indicate that the extreme Right  is not the only driving force behind the recent ‘anti-immigrant turn’ of electoral politics in Western Europe. Second, we expect the mainstream  Left to become increasingly critical towards immigration as its mainstream and/or extreme right competitors intensify their populist rhetoric. Being ‘tough’ on immigration is thus not a prerogative of the Right. We conclude that the impact of the extreme Right on the electoral behaviour of mainstream right parties has been overstated in previous studies.
Ideological misfits: A distinctive class of party members
Emilie van Haute and R. Kenneth Carty, 885-895
In this article, we identify a distinctive type of party member; namely, those who identify themselves as ideologically at odds with their party. Using survey evidence from nine parties in Belgium and Canada, we measure the prevalence of these ‘ideological misfits' and explore the characteristics that define them. While there appears to be no systematic cross-party pattern, it is striking that mass parties of the left have  disproportionately large numbers of such members. To the extent that those parties pride themselves on intra-party democracy, this raises
 questions about their capacity to respond to Downsian drives towards the centre and suggests that May’s law may be one of left-wing disparity.
Perceptions of political party corruption and voting behaviour in Poland
Kazimierz Slomczynski and Goldie Shabad, 897-917
Do perceptions of political party corruption play a significant role in vote choice? More specifically, is intention to vote for a specific party influenced by perceptions of corruption of that party, as well as by perceptions of the degree of corruption of competing parties? To determine whether perceptions of political party corruption matter at all for voters' preferences, we propose a party choice model in which we estimate the influence of perceptions of corruption of each party, net of other variables, on vote intention. We focus on Poland, and use data from the Polish Panel survey, POLPAN, 1988–2008. Our analyses indicate that perceptions of political party corruption have an effect on the decision to participate in elections,
on intention to vote for a particular party and on vote choice regardless of which party is chosen. Assessments of party malfeasance matter even
when other determinants of the vote are considered.
Impact of electoral volatility and party replacement on voter turnout levels
Joseph W. Robbins and Lance Y. Hunter, 919-939
While elections are viewed as the lynchpin of modern democracies, few works have adequately assessed the role played by political parties in mobilizing voters. Much of the extant work has relied on the number of parties in a party system to estimate the impact on voter turnout; not  surprisingly, the voluminous literature on voter turnout has arrived at a theoretical impasse regarding the relationship between party systems
and voter turnout. We argue that in order to better understand the relationship between party systems and voter turnout, researchers should consider other relevant party system measures. In particular, several scholars have surmised that party system stability holds numerous implications for democracies, but there has yet to be an empirical analysis of this claim. In this study, we anticipate that lower volatility and replacement rates – both indicating more stable party systems – should have a positive impact on aggregate turnout. Even when including several control variables,
the results of our cross-sectional time-series analyses confirm our hypotheses.
The importance of being present: Election posters as signals of electoral strength, evidence from France and Belgium
Delia Dumitrescu, p. 941-960
In-depth interviews and survey evidence from French and Belgian party members are used to show that the presence of posters in elections is primarily intended to signal the strength of the party’s campaign. Consistent with parties’ optimal strategies, only major parties use the presence  of posters to signal their power. Minor parties use them to inform the public. The findings shed light on previously unexplored elite behaviour in  comparative settings and provide additional evidence of the importance of neighbourhood visual cues in elections.