Referensi Jurnal & Buku Politik

Party Politics, Volume 18, Number 5, September 2012

partpolitic18Articles
Electoral and party system effects on ruling party durability
Misa Nishikawa (pp. 633-652)
Abstract
Political scientists have not paid sufficient attention to the driving forces of ruling party stability, although
other areas of political stability, such as democratic stability, leadership stability and cabinet stability have been studied extensively. This research fills a significant gap. It focuses on electoral rules and political party systems to explain ruling party durability. It demonstrates the following: (1) ruling parties’ hazard rates under the first-past-the-post systems are initially lower than those under proportional representation rules, but this tendency reverses over time, and (2) ruling parties’ hazard rates under two-party systems are initially lower than those under multiparty systems, but this too reverses.
 
 
Strategic voting in proportional representation systems: Evidence from a natural experiment
Ignacio Lago (pp. 653-665)
Abstract
Relying on data from a natural experiment in Spain, I produce an unbiased estimate of the extent to which strategic voting occurs in multi-member districts. I show that voters have fully adapted to the different incentives provided by distinctive electoral systems in Spain since the first election and also that they behave strategically only when the opportunity to do so is present. That is, contamination effects do
not seem to exist when voting strategically.
 
 
Factionalism in multi-level contexts: When party organization becomes a device
Tània Verge and Raúl Gómez (pp. 667-685)
Abstract
This article provides a dynamic framework through which factionalism can be examined and the circumstances of individual parties compared in multi-level contexts. We discuss the interaction between factionalism and party structure by setting out a model of factional organization dependent on the tolerance of host parties to dissent and their degree of vertical integration, their combination yielding
four possible strategies for opposition factions: centralized, inter-layered, multi-layered and decentralized.We also consider what implications there are for the party’s dominant coalition in episodes of high factionalism. These act as a catalyst for the modification of party rules that regulate dissent and vertical distribution of power. The hypotheses developed are tested on four Spanish political parties that differ on the autonomy of regional branches and factions, the competitive position in the
party system and factionalism type – more policy or more patronage-oriented.
 
 
Legislative recruitment: Using diagnostic testing to explain underrepresentation
Jeanette Ashe and Kennedy Stewart (pp. 687-707)
Abstract
Many legislative recruitment scholars seek to explain why women, visible minorities and other social groups are underrepresented in the world’s legislatures. Researchers in this area often use a supply and demand metaphor to frame their work, but cannot agree whether underrepresentation is mainly a supply- or demand-side problem. With an eye to moving this debate forward, this article offers a new approach to operationalizing supply and demand and shows how reverse-flow diagnostic testing, supply- first analysis and an improved testing regime can pinpoint when and why underrepresentation begins to occur in any political system. The new diagnostic approach is applied to data from a provincial election in British Columbia, Canada. The article uses the new diagnostic and BC case to demonstrate how underrepresentation in any political system is attributable to demand-side discrimination by gatekeepers
and not an undersupply of political aspirants from any particular social group.
 
 
The behaviour of political parties and MPs in the parliaments of the Weimar Republic
Martin Ejnar Hansen and Marc Debus (pp. 709-726)
Abstract
Analysing the roll-call votes of the MPs of the Weimar Republic we find: (1) that party competition in the Weimar parliaments can be structured along two dimensions: an economic left–right and a pro-/anti- democratic. Remarkably, this is stable throughout the entire lifespan of the Republic and not just in the
later years and despite the varying content of votes across the lifespan of the Republic, and (2) that nearly all parties were troubled by intra-party divisions, though, in particular, the national socialists and communists became homogeneous in the final years of the Republic.
 
 
Being the opposition in contemporary Russia: The Communist Party of the Russian Federation (KPRF)
among social-democratic, Marxist–Leninist and nationalist–socialist discourses
Ekaterina Levintova (pp. 727-747)
Abstract
Did the ideological discourse of the KPRF, the communist successor party in post-Communist Russia, evolve in the same direction as the identity and discourse of the majority of ex-communist parties in Eastern and Central Europe which now embrace social democracy? In particular, did the KPRF’s Marxist–Leninist and nationalist–socialist rhetoric change with time as the political climate for its functioning as the only viable Russian opposition party continued to deteriorate? This question is addressed through content analysis of public documents and internal party documents, which reveals that the latter are considerably more liberal and democratic in tone than the former.
 
 
Comparing the views of superdelegates and Democratic voters in the 2008 Democratic nomination campaign
Kim Fridkin, Patrick Kenney, and Sarah Gershon (pp. 749-770)
Abstract
The struggle for the power to nominate candidates for office between party elites and rank-and-file partisans surfaced in the late 1700s. The battle endures today and superdelegates in the Democratic Party represent the contemporary political elites in the nomination process. Indeed, superdelegates played a decisive role in determining the outcome of the 2008 Democratic nomination campaign. In this paper, we examine the attitudes and decisions of superdelegates towards the candidates and their own
role in the nomination process. We also examine the attitudes of rank-and-file Democrats towards the delegates and the nomination process. To study these two groups, we rely on survey data collected immediately following the 2008 primary season. Results from the surveys indicate that voters and superdelegates differ greatly in their perceptions of superdelegates, their roles and decisions, as well as
the legitimacy of the nomination process in the Democratic Party. We conclude by discussing the implications of our findings.
 
 
Home affordability, female marriage rates and vote choice in the 2000 US presidential election:
Evidence from US counties
George Hawley (pp. 771-789)
Abstract
This article tests the hypothesis that differences in the housing market can partially explain why some American counties are strongly Republican and others strongly Democratic, and that this phenomenon can be largely attributed to the relationship between home values and marriage rates within counties. Specifically, I test the hypothesis that, in the 2000 election, George W. Bush did comparatively better in
counties with relatively affordable single-family homes, even when controlling for other economic, demographic and regional variables. Using county-level data, I test this hypothesis using spatial-lag regression models, and provide further evidence using individual-level survey data. My results indicate a statistically significant relationship between Bush’s percentage of the vote at the county level and the
median value of owner-occupied homes, and that at least part of this is explained by the relationship between home values and marriage rates among young women.

Journal of Public Administration Research & Theory Volume 22 Issue 3 July 2012

jorunal publicARTICLES
 
 Do Shocks Change Organizations? The Case of NASA
Amy K. Donahue and Rosemary O'Leary (p. 395-425)
Abstract
The 50-year history of the National Aeronautics and Space Administration's (NASA) spaceflight program is marked by spectacular accomplishments and devastating tragedy.
NASA has suffered three major disasters, each of which destroyed a spacecraft and killed its crew. In the wake of each accident, investigators and analysts identified causes and
recommended technical and organizational improvements that NASA should undertake. The NASA case presents an opportunity to examine the question: Do shocks change organizations? The article reviews three prominent theoretical models of organizational change. Then, using data derived from 5 years of participant observation, as well as government reports, academic investigations, and news articles, we present an analysis of whether the factors required for change identified in the literature were and are present at NASA. The results of this examination suggest that in the wake of these shocks, the agency undertook many technical and procedural changes, but that, as the literature predicts, there are also barriers embedded in the fabric of the agency that are likely to thwart change. We
conclude by examining the prospects for understanding change in public, private, and
nonprofit organizations of all sizes that experience shocks and offer propositions for future research.
 
 
Organizational Red Tape: A Measurement Experiment
Mary K. Feeney (p. 427-444)
Abstract
Multiple public administration survey research projects have asked respondents to assess the level of red tape in their organizations. Many of these surveys use the following questionnaire item: “If red tape is defined as ‘burdensome rules and procedures that have negative effects on the organization’s effectiveness,’ how would you assess the level of red tape in your organization?” Unfortunately, no research has tested the ways in which the language used in this item may bias responses. This research uses data from a 2010 national survey of 2,500 local government managers in the United States to test three variations of the
Organizational Red Tape scale, investigating whether there is variation in perceived organizational red tape based on the question wording. The findings from this research contribute to the red tape literature by providing empirical
evidence that the definition used in the Organizational Red Tape scale, a commonly used questionnaire item in public administration research, influences responses about red tape perceptions.
 
 
Effects of Managers’ Work Motivation and Networking Activity on Their Reported Levels of External Red Tape
René Torenvlied and Agnes Akkerman (p. 445-471)
Abstract
This study brings together two perspectives on managers’ reported levels of red tape. The work motivation perspective explains how managers’ characteristics, such as work engagement (alienation) or commitment, affect their reported levels of red tape. The external control perspective explains how managers’ feedback relations with external actors and organizations reduce miscommunications and conflicts between multiple sources of rules, regulations, and procedures. Hypotheses are derived about the effects of managers’ levels of work engagement, commitment to the organization, and networking activity with external actors and organizations on their levels of reported red tape. The hypotheses are simultaneously tested on a cross-sectional data set of Dutch primary school principals with information about their reported levels of externally generated general red tape (n = 792) and personnel red tape (n = 787). The results of the analyses suggest that work engagement
reduces and commitment increases reported levels of red tape. Networking activity with national government is associated with high levels of reported general red tape and personnel red tape. Networking activity with local government and interest organizations in the labor relations domain are associated with low levels of reported personnel red tape. Finally, commitment moderates the effect of networking with national government on general red tape and the effect of networking with interest organizations on personnel red tape. These results are discussed with reference to the two perspectives on red tape.
 
 
Desperately Seeking Management: Understanding Management Quality and Its Impact on
 Government Performance Outcomes under the Clean Air Act
Alexander C. Heckman (p. 473-496)
Abstract
This study analyzes the impact of management quality, spending, problem severity, and political factors on states’ air pollution control outcomes and provides insights for improving the measures and methods used in public management and government performance research. The analysis illustrates the importance of selecting proper outcome measures and taking into account the interaction of management and spending when conducting empirical analysis into the causes of government performance. Additionally, the author demonstrates the benefits of conducting comparative empirical analysis using different, but theoretically connected, outcome measures. The findings and analysis presented should be of particular interest to public administration scholars seeking to conduct research that produces practical insights for public managers and policy makers on improving public management and government performance.
 
 
Organizational Capital in Boundary-Spanning Collaborations: Internal and External
Approaches to Organizational Structure and Personnel Authority
Craig Boardman (p. 497-526)
Abstract
Despite a large body of scholarship elucidating mechanisms for aligning participant behaviors with public service goals in boundary-spanning collaborations, the most challenging of these collaborations—those with potential for lacking both common goals and common resources—have received relatively little attention from public management scholars. This study investigates approaches to structure and authority by managers of this sort of collaboration, specifically by the managers of cooperative research centers involving government, industry, and university actors.
The findings suggest external approaches to structure and authority when such controls are perceived by managers as valuable for eliciting participant contributions, yet difficult to develop internally, and internal approaches when such controls are perceived as valuable for eliciting contributions, yet unattainable externally. The findings have implications for public management research and theory and, more broadly, for research and theory on organizations and networks. Whereas the conceptualization of structure and authority as resources is not new, here these are
conceptualized as explicit rather than tacit, and therefore, in theory, as potentially transferrable across organizational boundaries rather than as a source of competitive advantage. The article concludes with propositions to test in future research.
 
 
The Link between Information and Bargaining Efficiency
Deanna Malatesta (527-551)
Abstract
The article reviews the relevant theory and research linking information and bargaining efficiency and presents results of an analysis of negotiation times associated with 290 franchise renewal agreements. Data reveal three main findings: (1) information revealing a history of poor performance by the supplier resulted in a 74% increase in negotiation time, (2) a 1% increase in the value of a contract increased negotiation time by 18%, and (3) the participation of an expert resulted in a 24% decrease in negotiation time. We also consider and test various moderator and mediator effects and conclude that the length of the previous relationship between the parties neither directly nor indirectly affects the negotiation time in a
substantively meaningful way nor does it mitigate the negative effect of conflict history.
 
 
Political Influence on Street-Level Bureaucratic Outcome: Testing the Interaction
between Bureaucratic Ideology and Local Community Political Orientation
Helena O. Stensöta (p. 553-571)
Abstract
A basic principle of good government is that politics should be restricted to the input side, whereas the bureaucracy should operate independently of political considerations. However, previous literature documents an implementation gap between unitary political aims and varied local outcomes, which occasionally can be attributed to political reasons; both bureaucratic ideology and that local
political constituencies can shape implementation and affect outcome. So far, however, research has neglected the question of whether one of these effects is conditioned by the other. This article presents original data on the political orientation of public employees in the Swedish Social Insurance Administration that allow these two factors to be tested together for the first time. The main finding is that neither the bureaucratic ideology nor the political orientation of the local
community independently affects the outcome but that the real effect of political ideology on implementation takes the form of an interaction effect between the two.
This interaction effect visualizes so that a rightward shif
 
 
Change-Oriented Organizational Citizenship Behavior in Public Administration:
The Power of Leadership and the Cost of Organizational Politics
Eran Vigoda-Gadot and Itai Beeri (p. 573-596)
Abstract
Using a well-grounded theory of organizational citizenship behavior, this study attempts to extend the meaning of the good soldier syndrome beyond its common boundaries of the business sector. We follow Bettencourt's (2004) conceptualization and model of change- oriented organizational citizenship behavior (OCB) to explain why and how public employees engage in activities targeted at changing and improving the public work environment and its job processes even when no formal rewards are offered in return. We extend Bettencourt's model and demonstrate its usefulness and contribution to public administration organizations, focusing especially on leadership behavior, leader-member exchange relations, and perceptions
of organizational politics in public agencies. A field study of 217 public personnel in a large public health care organization yields interesting findings, demonstrating the uniqueness of change-oriented OCB over classical OCB measures (individual and organizational), the general positive effect of leadership on OCB and the moderating effect of perceptions of politics in this relationship. Implications of the findings
are developed and discussed in the context of modern public administration.
 
 
Overcoming Negative Media Coverage: Does Government Communication Matter?
Brooke Fisher Liu, J. Suzanne Horsley, and Kaifeng Yang (p. 597-621)
Abstract
Public administration scholars often note that government should engage in more effective external communication to improve citizen trust and maintain political legitimacy. An important part of the belief is that more effective communication can lead to more favorable media coverage that ultimately shapes citizen trust in government. However, the link between government communication and media coverage remains empirically untested. Through a survey of 881 government and business communicators, this study tests the relationship between external communication activities and media coverage. The study shows that government organizations report being less likely to have favorable news coverage than their private counterparts, but most government organizations do report that their media coverage is favorable. Moreover, the results show that active media interaction, organizational support for communication, and adequate communication budget are associated with reporting more favorable coverage. In comparison, a different set of variables, except adequate communication budget, are found to affect whether business organizations report having more favorable media coverage.

THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY OF POLITICAL AND SOCIAL SCIENCE, Volume 643 September 2012

annals-2Table of Contents
Migrant Youths and Children of Migrants in a Globalized World
Edited by: Alícia Adserà and Marta Tienda
 
Comparative Perspectives on International Migration and Child Well-Being
Alícia Adserà and Marta Tienda (p. 6-15)
International migration has been increasing since 1970, with the largest flows originating in developing
nations and streaming into industrialized nations (Zlotnik 2006). The United Nations estimated the 2010
global foreign-stock population at 214 million, up from approximately 82 million in 1970 (United Nations
[UN] 2012; Freeman 2006). About 3.1 percent of all people did not reside in their country of birth in 2010, compared with approximately 2.2 percent in 1970.1 Contemporary international migration differs from that of earlier periods in several important ways related to the social and economic well-being of migrants, especially the young.
 
 
Migrant Youths’ Educational Achievement: The Role of Institutions
Deborah A. Cobb-Clark, Mathias Sinning, and Steven Stillman (p. 18-45)
Abstract
The authors use 2009 Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) data to link institutional arrangements in OECD countries’ to disparities in reading, math, and science test scores for migrant and native-born students. The authors find that achievement gaps are larger for migrant youths who arrive at older ages and for those who do not speak the language of the PISA test at home. Institutional arrangements often serve to mitigate the achievement gaps of some migrant students while leaving unaffected or exacerbating those of others. For example, earlier school starting ages help migrant youths in some cases but by no means in all. Limited tracking of students by ability appears to be beneficial for migrants’ relative achievement, while complete tracking and the presence of a large private school sector appear to be detrimental. Migrant students’ achievement, relative to their native-born peers, suffers as educational spending and teachers’ salaries increase, but it improves when teacher evaluation includes an examination component.
 
 
Educational Achievement Gaps between Immigrant and Native Students in Two
“New” Immigration Countries: Italy and Spain in Comparison
Davide Azzolini, Philipp Schnell, and John R. B. Palmer (p. 46-77)
Abstract
The authors use 2009 Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) data to determine how immigrant children in Italy and Spain compare with native students in reading and mathematics skills. Drawing on the vast empirical literature in countries with traditionally high rates of immigration, the authors test the extent to which the most well-established patterns and hypotheses of immigrant/native educational achievement gaps also apply to these comparatively “new” immigration countries. The authors find that both first- and second- generation immigrant students underperform natives in both countries. Although socioeconomic background and language skills contribute to the explanation of achievement gaps, significant differences remain within the countries even after controlling for those variables. While modeling socioeconomic background reduces the observed gaps to a very similar extent in both countries, language spoken at home is more strongly associated with achievement gaps in Italy. School-type differentiation, such as tracking in Italy and school ownership in Spain, do not reduce immigrant/native gaps, although in Italy tracking is strongly associated with immigrant students’ test scores.
 
 
The Educational Expectations of Children of Immigrants in Italy
Alessandra Minello and Nicola Barban (p. 78-103)
Abstract
In this article, the authors investigate the short-run educational expectations and long-term educational aspirations of the children of immigrants living in Italy and attending eighth grade. The authors look at educational ambition, both as a predictor of educational choice and as a measure of social integration. They consider both secondary-school track and university goals. Data come from the ITAGEN2 survey (2005–2006). First, the authors analyze the relationship of short-run expectations and long-term aspirations to structural (e.g., migration status and country of origin) and social (e.g., family socioeconomic status and friendship ties) conditions.
The latter seem to be determinants of both expectations and aspirations, but long-term educational aspirations are not associated with migration status. Second, the authors investigate the relevance of context in delineating educational attitudes. The authors performed a multilevel analysis including both individual- and school-level variables. Their results show that attending a school where most of the Italian pupils have high educational expectations may lead children of immigrants to enhance their own aspirations.
 
 
Child-Parent Separations among Senegalese Migrants to Europe: Migration
Strategies or Cultural Arrangements?
Amparo González-Ferrer, Pau Baizán, and Cris Beauchemin (p. 106-133)
Abstract
The authors use the Migration between Africa and Europe (MAFE) project data to examine the incidence and duration of child-parent separations and the determinants of child-parent reunification among Senegalese migrants. Their findings indicate that approximately one-sixth of the Senegalese children in the sample were separated from their parents due to parental migration to Europe. These separations are relatively long, especially if the absent parent is the father. Reunification of Senegalese migrant parents with their children is infrequent, both in Senegal and in Europe. However, the location where reunification occurs is important, as it is
associated with markedly different family types. Parents who end separations by returning to Senegal belong to families that clearly depart from the Western nuclear model, whereas Senegalese families in which parents decided to bring their children to Europe are closer to Western family arrangements.
 
 
Age at Immigration and the Adult Attainments of Child Migrants to the United States
Audrey Beck, Miles Corak, and Marta Tienda (p. 134-159)
Abstract
Immigrants’ age at arrival matters for schooling outcomes in a way that is predicted by child development theory: the chances of being a high school dropout increase significantly each year for children who arrive in a host country after the age of eight. The authors document this process for immigrants in the United States from a number of regions relative to appropriate comparison regions. Using instrumental variables, the authors find that the variation in education outcomes associated with variation in age at arrival influences adult outcomes that are important in the American mainstream, notably English-language proficiency and intermarriage. The authors conclude that children experience migration differently from adults depending on the timing of migration and show that migration during the early years of child
development influences educational outcomes. The authors also find that variation in
education outcomes induced by the interaction of migration and age at arrival changes the capacity of children to become fully integrated into the American mainstream as adults.
 
 
Fertility Patterns of Child Migrants: Age at Migration and Ancestry in
Comparative Perspective
Alícia Adserà, Ana M. Ferrer, Wendy Sigle-Rushton, and Ben Wilson (p. 160-189)
Abstract
This article examines the fertility of women who migrated as children to one of three OECD countries—Canada, the United Kingdom, and France—and how it differs from that of native- born women, by age at migration. By looking at child migrants whose fertility behavior is neither interrupted by the migration event nor confounded by selection, the authors obtain a unique perspective on the adaptation process as a mechanism that explains variation in observed foreign and native-born fertility differentials. The authors find patterns that are broadly consistent with the adaptation hypothesis—which posits that as migrants become accustomed to their host countries, their fertility norms begin to resemble those of the native
population—and, on average, limited cross-national variation in fertility differentials. The effect of exposure to the host country, however, seems to vary by country of origin, a finding that underscores the importance of taking into account the heterogeneity of the foreign-born population.
 
 
Nativity Differences in Mothers’ Health Behaviors: A Cross-National and
Longitudinal Lens
Margot Jackson, Sara McLanahan, and Kathleen Kiernan (p. 192-218)
Abstract
Nativity differences in birth outcomes in the United States are well documented, with more favorable outcomes among children of foreign-born parents than those of native-born parents. Using longitudinal data on mothers from the United States Fragile Families and Child Wellbeing Study (N ~ 4,000) and the United Kingdom Millennium Cohort Study (N ~ 15,000), the authors provide a comparative and longitudinal perspective on nativity differences in mothers’ health
behaviors. First, the authors ask whether healthier behaviors observed among Hispanic immigrants in the United States extend to foreign-born mothers in the United Kingdom, including South Asian, black African and Caribbean, and East Asian immigrants. Second, the authors consider the persistence of differences throughout early childhood. The findings demonstrate healthier behaviors among foreign-born mothers in both the United States and the United Kingdom, including both socioeconomically disadvantaged and advantaged mothers. These differences are stable over early childhood, suggesting a “universality” of healthier behaviors among foreign-born mothers, spanning racial/ethnic and socioeconomic groups, time, and two different policy contexts.
 
 
Race/Ethnic and Nativity Disparities in Child Overweight in the United States
and England
Melissa L. Martinson, Sara McLanahan, and Jeanne Brooks-Gunn (p. 219-238)
Abstract
Child overweight is a growing problem in wealthy countries. There is also evidence that child overweight varies by race/ethnicity and socioeconomic status. In this article, the authors use data from two recent birth cohort studies in the United States and England to address four questions: (1) Are race/ethnic and immigrant status associated with child overweight? (2) Is the association between socioeconomic status and child overweight similar across race/ethnic and
nativity subgroups? (3) Does the age of immigrant mothers at migration moderate the
association between immigrant status and child overweight? and (4) Does maternal obesity mediate the association between race/ethnicity and nativity and child overweight? Findings indicate that (1) race/ethnicity and immigrant status are risk factors for child overweight in both countries, (2) the influence of socioeconomic status differs by subgroup, (3) mother’s age at migration does not moderate the association, and (4) mother’s obesity mediates some of the race/ethnic disparities in child overweight.
 
 
How Do Children of Mixed Partnerships Fare in the United Kingdom? Understanding
the Implications for Children of Parental Ethnic Homogamy and Heterogamy
Lucinda Platt (p. 239-266)
Abstract
Many claims are made about the significance of interethnic partnerships for individuals and for society. Such partnerships continue to be seen as a “barometer” of the openness of society and have spawned extensive analysis investigating their patterns, trends, and determinants. But we know little about the experience of children growing up in families of mixed parentage. In the United Kingdom, the increase in the self-defined “mixed” population is often celebrated. But
there has been little quantitative sociological analysis that has investigated the circumstances of the children of mixed ethnicity partnerships. Using two large-scale UK datasets that cover a similar period, this article evaluates the extent to which mixed parentage families are associated with circumstances (both economic and in terms of family structure) that tend to be positive or negative for children’s future life chances and how these compare to those of children with parents from the same ethnic group. It shows that there is substantial variation according to the outcome considered but also according to ethnic group. Overall, children in mixed parentage families do not unequivocally experience the equality of outcomes with majority group children that the assimilation hypothesis implies.

The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Number 642 July 2012

the annalsBringing Fieldwork Back In: Contemporary Urban Ethnographic Research
 
Articles
The Iconic Ghetto
Elijah Anderson
 
Abstract
In the minds of many Americans, the ghetto is where “the black people live,” symbolizing an impoverished, crime-prone, drug-infested, and violent area of the city. Aided by the mass media and popular culture, this image of the ghetto has achieved an iconic status, and serves as a powerful source of stereotype, prejudice, and discrimination. The history of racism in America, along with the ascription of “ghetto” to anonymous blacks, has burdened blacks with a negative presumption they
must disprove before they can establish mutually trusting relationships with others. The poorest blacks occupy a caste-like status, and for the black middle class, contradictions and dilemmas of status are common, underscoring the racial divide and exacerbating racial tensions.
 
 
The Legacy of Racial Caste: An Exploratory Ethnography
Elijah Anderson, Duke W. Austin, Craig Lapriece Holloway, and Vani S. Kulkarni
 
Abstract
With the racial progress the nation has made over the past half century, including the growth of the black middle class and the election of a black president, many are now prepared to proclaim the United States a postracial society, where egalitarian values most often prevail; race is no longer a significant barrier to power, privilege, and prestige; and racial prejudice is mostly a thing of the past. When observed ethnographically, the lived experience of race relations suggests a different view and
conceptual framework. As the legacy of racial caste, the color line persists in social interaction and is evident in racially determined perspectives and local working conceptions that order race relations and contribute to persistent racial inequality. Indeed, the claim of a postracial society is an ideological discourse that denies continuing patterns of race relations.
 
 
“An Air of Expectancy”: Class, Crisis, and the Making of Manhood at a Historically Black College for Men
Saida Grundy
 
Abstract
This qualitative study explores formations of masculinity among students at a historically black all- male college, offering insights into how the institution crafts the manhood of its students in accordance with gender and class ideologies about black male respectability, heteronormativity, and male hegemony. While a plethora of studies on poverty, deviance, and marginalization have highlighted black men “in crisis,” this article examines middle-class black men and explores sites of
conflict and difference for this latter group. Three critical insights into middle-class black masculinity are revealed by this approach: first, that men are institutionally “branded” through class and gender ideologies; second, that the exceptionality of high-achieving black men is politicized to endorse class conflict with other black men; and finally, that sexuality and class performances are inseparably
linked through men’s sexual consumption of black women.
 
 
Bonds of Brotherhood: Emotional and Social Support among College Black Men
Brandon A. Jackson
 
Abstract
This article draws on two years of observation to analyze the ways in which a group of black men promoted, ritualized, enforced, and enacted brotherhood on a predominantly white campus. These men utilized the concept of brotherhood to unite those who shared a marginalized status. The notion of brotherhood enabled the men to express their emotions, violating some of the dominant cultural tenets of manhood. Although black men face many obstacles in white-dominated middle-class social
worlds, these men did not passively accept those troubles; they came together and collectively created a brotherhood to help them survive and succeed.
 
 
Abductive Ethnography of Practice in Highly Uncertain Conditions
Vida Bajc
 
Abstract
The highly contextual nature of ethnographic inquiry allows a researcher to develop and adjust data collection and analysis to specific social situations. This methodological flexibility also makes it possible to choose for analytic attention specific instances of human activity and experience that show potential to illuminate conceptual issues or alter our theoretical understandings. Theoretically
interesting social activity can be identified using Peircean abduction. In the field, the researcher embraces serendipity and intuition. Data analysis begins neither with inductive nor deductive reasoning. By initially disassociating the data from their context, specific theoretical debates, and the experience of data collection in the field, the ethnographer is able to play with the data freely and let this process generate a surprising discovery. This discovery is then articulated through a dialog
among insight, contextualized empirical evidence, and theoretical knowledge. Leaving open the possibilities of insight and discovery, abductive ethnography is a strategy of unforeclosed possibilities.
 
 
“Scrub”: Using Multi-Site Analysis to Analyze the Status System among Basketball Players
Scott N. Brooks
 
Abstract
Conducting ethnographic fieldwork in varied spaces, with different actors, enriches our understanding. A researcher may find paradoxes in practices and ideas and ask for clarification, or recognize that social dynamics and behavior are peculiar to group members present in a specific setting. This article highlights the usefulness of intentional variability and flexibility in the field. Researchers should plan to do multi-site analysis (MSA) to look for negative cases and opportunities
to challenge commonsense notions. Additionally, this article emphasizes that the relationships built during fieldwork shape the data that are captured. Therefore, researchers need to consider the bases for their relationships, including what the subjects get out of them, and how subjects’ positionality affects what comes to be known. This perspective de-emphasizes false norms of objectivity and
renders a more complete account of the social worlds we study.
 
 
Suspending Narrative Engagements: The Case of Pick-Up Basketball
Michael F. DeLand
 
Abstract
This article explores the way social actors organize their engagements in real time. The term “narrative” points to the subjectively understood practical projects that people structure with
beginnings, middles, and ends. All projects may be interrupted, and if social actors are to continue
the narrative engagement they must treat the stoppage as a mere suspension. The work of
suspending a game of informal pick-up basketball is examined in three phases: interrupting the
game, treating the game as suspended, and resuming play. In each phase, players collectively resist
the possibility of abandonment as an alternative to game resumption. While narrative structuring is a
powerful locus of meaning across diverse social contexts, informal basketball games offer a
particularly good setting for the study of narrative organization in social life.
 
 
“The Camera Rolls”: Using Third-Party Video in Field Research
Nikki Jones and Geoffrey Raymond
 
Abstract
This article draws on one citizen’s efforts to document daily life in his neighborhood. The authors
describe the potential benefits of third-party video—videos that people who are not social scientists
have recorded and preserved—to social science research. Excerpts from a collection of police-citizen
interactions illustrate key points likely to confront researchers who use third-party video. The
authors address two important questions: How might the presence of a video camera affect the
unfolding of interactions that are recorded in third-party videos? and How might the perspective of
the videographer influence the production and preservation of these records and, in turn, what
influence might this standpoint have on our analysis of the data? The authors argue that, given the
ubiquity of handheld video recording devices, social scientists should develop systematic approaches
to using video created by others as both a cultural record and as data.
 
 
An Ethnographic Portrait of a Precarious Life: Getting By on Even Less
Waverly O. Duck
 
Abstract
This article presents an ethnographic study of life in an impoverished black urban neighborhood
through the experiences and perspectives of a single mother of four. Her survival strategies shed
light on the disproportionate effects of recent social policies on poor racial-ethnic minority groups.
Having trouble paying bills is nothing new. As Carol Stack has shown, extended kinship networks
offer crucial resources that can enable single-parent families to survive. Over the past decade and a
half, however, welfare reform, increases in the rates of arrest and incarceration for poor black men,
and a spate of evictions are putting serious pressure on networks that were already overextended
and now have too few solvent members. Poor families are left in a precarious situation. The in-depth
story of one woman illuminates the issues that many people in this precarious position face in
everyday life.
 
 
Down and Out in Atlantic City
Jacob Avery
 
Abstract
This article draws on ethnographic fieldwork and interviews to provide a sociological life history of a
man the author calls George. George lived on Atlantic City’s streets between 1995 and 2009. Instead
of accessing available social services, George stayed outside year-round, even during the cold winter
months. He obtained small amounts of money by begging for spare change and slept in alleyways,
casino bus terminals, underneath the Boardwalk, and behind garbage dumpsters until his death.
George’s story reveals how someone who likely would have been committed during the era depicted
in Goffman’s Asylums (1961) had viable alternatives to confinement within an institution. This article
has two aims. First, it adds empirical depth to literature on working-age, unhoused men
disconnected from formal labor markets and social service systems. A second, more analytical aim is
to extend our thinking about Goffman’s concept of moral career.
 
 
The Making and Unmaking of Local Democracy in an Indian Village
Vani S. Kulkarni
 
Abstract
This study is an ethnographic investigation of a gram sabha (village assembly), the cornerstone of
local democracy, in Soonaghalli, in the Mandya district of Southern Karnataka, India. Observation of
the meeting and informal, open-ended conversations with the key actors illuminated how
democratic policies that are conceived at the global level are practiced and experienced by local
community members. The article speaks to the significance of moving beyond the prevailing politico-
institutional framework of democracy that is dominated by concerns about formal regime shifts and
focusing on informal practices that contribute to the making and unmaking of democratic
governance. The findings shed light on the varied forms that deliberative processes take and on
multiple meanings of deliberative cultures, emphasizing the need for a comparative sociological
inquiry into democratic practices for a richer formulation of democratic theory.
 
 
“Call Me Mama”: An Ethnographic Portrait of an Employer of Undocumented Workers
Esther Chihye Kim
 
Abstract
Based on three years of participant observation, this article provides insight into the working
relationship between a small business owner and undocumented immigrant workers at a Korean-
Japanese restaurant. The case study focuses on a Korean American businesswoman who depends on
the unpaid labor of family members and the cheap labor of undocumented immigrants. Using
naturalistic ethnography, which consists of casual interactions and conversations with informants,
the author relates the life history of the owner, Mrs. Kwon, who asks her employees to call her
“Mama,” and analyzes her preference for undocumented immigrant workers. The article elucidates
the ways she asserts power and control in the workplace.
 
 
The Presentation of Self in Emigration: Eastern European Women in Italy
Martina Cvajner
 
Abstract
This article, based on five years of ethnographic fieldwork, describes the strategies for the
presentation of the Self employed by Eastern European immigrant women in the Italian northeast.
These middle-aged women migrated alone, are employed as live-in care workers, and often lack legal
status. For them, migration is a deeply felt trauma, which they narrate as being forced upon them by
the collapse of the USSR and the failures of the transition to a market economy. They perceive their
life in Italy as degrading, their work is stressful and undignified, they miss their children, and they are
often seen as poor mothers with questionable morals. Consequently, they seek to dilute the social
stigma, presenting positive images of their selves and claiming respect from a variety of audiences.
The women continuously endeavor to define their current condition as accidental and temporary and
to assert their right to a better future.
 
 
“Influx”: Black Urban Women’s Migration to Rural Pennsylvania
Betty L. McCall
 
Abstract
As a direct result of the 1995 welfare reform legislation, some metropolitan areas relocated women
on their welfare rolls through a process called “Greyhound therapy.” Many of these women ended
up in rural areas that were not only unprepared to meet their specific needs but also not receptive to
their presence. This article tells the story of these women, who were moved almost two hundred
miles from a large Pennsylvania city to a small town in a rural region.
 
 
“Litterers”: How Objects of Physical Disorder Are Used to Construct Subjects of
Social Disorder in a Suburb
Alexandra K. Murphy
 
Abstract
How do people get constructed as “litterers” through objects of litter on the ground? Middle- and
working-class white and black homeowners of the suburb under ethnographic study believe that
litter is a significant problem in their community. Despite rarely seeing anyone actually litter, they
develop folk theories that blame this problem on black, poor renters moving into the suburb. This
article documents the structural features that sustain litter accumulation across different spaces. It
then examines how longtime residents interpret these patterns and use their own behavior toward
litter (picking it up) to claim a moral status for themselves as community insiders while constructing
those they perceive as outsiders as disreputable litterers. The author considers the relationship
between physical and social disorder as they construe it and the consequences of this process for
theories of ecological contamination and the reinforcement of racial and class distinctions.
 
 
Reflections of Self from Missing Things: How People Move On from Losing Possessions
Brandon Berry
 
Abstract
When people fail to locate a personal belonging, it often evokes disturbing reflections of self that
they will seek to overcome. While ethnomethodology once manufactured breaches in the taken-for-
granted order to reveal the implicit rules of social life, this article explores how people try to recover
from such breaches occurring naturally in their material environment. Drawing on a database of
about five hundred cases of naturally occurring losses collected through several ethnographic
techniques, this article demonstrates how people get back to life as usual through four unique paths.
Through each, individuals resolve or avoid the disturbances caused when their taken-for-granted
sense of what objects are immediately available to them breaks down.
 
 
Wounded: Life after the Shooting
Jooyoung Lee
 
Abstract
Most gunshot victims do not die. In some estimates, 80 percent live to see another day. Yet social
scientists continue to focus on gun homicide. What happens to individuals who get shot and survive?
How do they experience life after the shooting? This article examines how gunshot injuries transform
the lives of victims. In practical ways, gunshot injuries complicate sleeping, eating, working, and
other previously taken-for-granted activities. These disruptions also have much larger existential
significance to victims. Indeed, daily experiences with a wounded body become subjective reminders
that individuals are no longer who they used to be. Ironically, in some interactions, being wounded
becomes attractive and advantageous to victims. Together, these themes illustrate the need for
more sustained ethnographic work on the foreground of violent crime victimization.
 
 
Ethnography’s Expanding Warrants
Jack Katz
 
Abstract
Because ethnographies report what is already known in some part of society, the warrant for the
method is uniquely double. Each ethnography promises both positive and negative knowledge, a
contribution to understanding the social logic that organizes some area of social life and a
contribution to the sociology of ignorance. Those reported in this volume illustrate seven distinct
warrants that hinge on morally charged forces blocking the dissemination of knowledge about locally
known social realities. In addition, running through many of the studies is a focus on an amoral
warrant. Ethnographies are distinctively suited for studying the ubiquitous, naturally occurring hiding
that is necessarily part of social expression, or how things are hidden in the foundations of the social
world.

Journal of Democracy, Volume 23, Number 3, July 2012

jorunal democracyArticles
The Transformation of the Arab World
Olivier Roy pp. 5-18
Abstract (summary)
The demonstrators referred to no Middle Eastern geopolitical conflicts, burned no U.S. or Israeli flags, offered no chants in favor of the main (that is to say, Islamist) opposition parties, and expressed no wish for the establishment of an Islamic state or the implementation of shari'a. [...]despite the Western media's frantic quest to put a face on events by talking up some of the protests' astonishingly young and modern spokespersons, the demonstrators produced no charismatic leaders. [...]the Arab Spring belied the "Arab predicament": It simply would not follow the script which holds that the centrality of the Arab-Israeli conflict is fostering an ever-growing Islamization within Arab societies, a search for charismatic leaders, and an
identification with supranational causes.
 
 
Implosion, Atrophy, or Revolution?
Lilia Shevtsova pp. 19-32
Abstract (summary)
 [...]recently, the Kremlin's constant clampdowns and discrediting campaigns prevented the opposition from gaining strength. At both the elite and popular levels, the country is replete with powerful rent-seeking groups that benefit from the existing system and can be expected to fight for it. [...]the postcommunist elites have built a system that deliberately lacks constitutional and political means for resolving conflicts and deadlocks.
 
 
An Autopsy of Managed Democracy
Ivan Krastev, Stephen Holmes pp. 33-45
Abstract (summary)
 [...]we are only now, for the first time, able to look inside the political mystery of managed democracy and explain how it actually worked. Surveys show that even as a cadre of diehards is still regularly taking to the streets to protest the regime, the number of those who tell pollsters that they are ready to protest has precipitously declined.) In any case, in order to coax voters to the ballot boxes, Putin was forced to confess that his power was endangered by an internal threat.
 
 
The Strange Alliance of Democrats and Nationalists
Nicu Popescu pp. 46-54
Abstract (summary)
In 2011, Prime Minister Putin laid flowers on the grave of a Russian football fan whose death after a brawl with some men from the North Caucasus sparked nationalist riots near the Kremlin walls. According to official figures, Russia's population fell from 148 million in 1992 to 142 million in 2010.
 
 
The Protesters and The Public
Denis Volkov pp. 55-62
Abstract (summary)
Yet there were warning signs, including internal conflict in Russia's political system and growing civic activism. Since the global economic crisis began to hit Russia in 2008, Russians have had a growing sense of uncertainty about the future, coupled with a feeling that the country is moving in the wrong direction. Authorities tend to ignore problems until citizens' frustrations spill over into (not necessarily peaceful) protest, at which point officials adopt some mixture of repression plus halfhearted measures to redress grievances, hoping that unrest will subside and the public mood will improve. [...]protest is a given, even if saying exactly where, when, and
how the next one will break out is difficult in a partly closed society such as Russia's, where civic problems and social stresses are not openly discussed.
 
 
Can There Be a Color Revolution?
Sharon L. Wolchik pp. 63-70
Abstract (summary)
Translate [unavailable for this document]
The development, implementation, and diffusion of this model involved transnational networks of both domestic actors (the political opposition and civil society activists) and international democracy supporters (the governments of the United States and several European countries, the EU, and numerous private foundations). The basic elements of the model included 1) a more united political opposition committed to supporting a common candidate; 2) energetic campaigns by civil society groups to register voters, get out the vote, and inform citizens about issues and their rights; 3) the development of some form of independent media or plans to counteract the state's monopoly on communication; 4) pressure on incumbents to make the
electoral playing field more level by increasing opposition representation on electoral
commissions and allowing the deployment of domestic and international election observers; 5) the use of exit polls and parallel vote counts; and 6) when incumbents refused to vacate office, mass protests and demonstrations.5 Typically, the model also included innovative campaign activities by opposition candidates and parties, such as bus and bicycle tours, marches, meetings with citizens, and door-to-door canvassing in order to reach previously apathetic or alienated voters, especially those outside the capital.
 
 
Turkey and Thailand: Unlikely Twins
Duncan McCargo, Ayşe Zarakol pp. 71-79
Abstract (summary)
Translate [unavailable for this document]
[...]they are unlike Western states in that they had to adapt quickly to an international system whose rules they had little part in shaping. [...]despite the absence of formal colonization, both the Ottoman Empire and the Kingdom of Siam had experiences with European intrusion that might fairly be called highly traumatic. 3 As a result, in both countries there emerged, first within the monarchy and then within the newly Westernized military-bureaucratic establishment, a reformist outlook that doggedly equated independence with state-led modernization and national cohesion-a cohesion that, given the heterogeneity of both societies at the turn of the twentieth century, could not be passively assumed but had to be aggressively
achieved. [...]after brief experiments with insular foreign policies, both countries moved squarely into the Western camp, following state-led but nonsocialist development strategies throughout the twentieth century.
 
 
African Elections: Two Divergent Trends
Kennedy Ochieng’ Opalo pp. 80-93
Abstract (summary)
Translate [unavailable for this document]
According to Biya, he won the October 9 voting by a landslide of 78 percent. 1 Fraud charges were widespread.2 These two elections are symptomatic of the divergent trends that are now affecting the prospects of democratic consolidation in Africa. [...]the findings do not seem to apply much beyond Africa, and authoritarianism has thus far defied electoral competition in Africa, so closer study is needed to determine what mechanisms (if any) might make repeated elections a source of democratization.4 To pursue this inquiry, it will be helpful to analyze both
broader trend data and particular case studies. [...]it will be important to examine emerging trends in democratization (or authoritarian reversion) in Africa, with special attention to the manner in which ruling parties have dominated national legislatures over the last twenty years and stopped opposition parties from gaining footholds in these bodies.
 
 
Oil, Politics, and Ghana’s Democracy
E. Gyimah-Boadi, H. Kwasi Prempeh pp. 94-108
Abstract (summary)
Translate [unavailable for this document]
Ghana is not new to resource wealth. Since the early colonial period, it has depended heavily on proceeds from the export of gold and other minerals, timber, and cocoa beans. Ghana's pre- oil record of exceptional democratic progress is widely acknowledged. Since democratic government was restored in 1993, the country has held five free and fair elections and twice transferred power peacefully from one party to the other (in 2001 and 2009).
 
 
The DRC’s Crumbling Legitimacy
Mvemba Phezo Dizolele, Pascal Kalume Kambale pp. 109-120
Abstract (summary)
 [...]for both the Congolese government and the international community, the stakes were high. From compilation centers across the country came reports of improprieties-including threats to exclude ballots that had been torn or that came from polling stations that been burned down, as well as rumors of more ballots being flown in from abroad. [...]counting took place as opposition charges of massive fraud echoed through local and international media.
 
 
Senegal: What Will Turnover Bring?
Catherine Lena Kelly pp. 121-131
Abstract (summary)
 [...]the country's regime would be better described as competitive authoritarian-democratic rules exist, but "incumbents violate those rules so often and to such an extent . . . that the regime fails to meet conventional minimum standards for democracy. Wade also distributed ample patronage in order to tilt the playing field in favor of the ruling party, reviving old packable institutions, such as the Economic and Social Council (in February 2008) and the Senate (in January 2007), and filling their salaried posts with PDS allies. [...]by using his access to the state to pay monthly salaries, dispense diplomatic passports, and grant government employment to politicians who joined the PDS's ruling coalition, Wade chipped away at
opposition unity.
 
 
How Things Went Wrong
Jacques Rupnik pp. 132-137
Abstract (summary)
The suspicion is well founded, for the new basic law and its enabling acts have turned what are supposed to be politically neutral bodies such as the Constitutional Court, the Central Bank, and the offices of the Ombudsman and the Public Prosecutor into arms of the ruling party. [...]Orbán and his lieutenants have downgraded or done away with the checks and balances that are widely considered essential for the rule of law.
 
 
Disabling the Constitution
Miklós Bánkuti, Gábor Halmai, Kim Lane Scheppele pp. 138-146 |
Abstract (summary)
The Constitutional Court, before it could be packed with a working majority of new judges, struck down this tax as unconstitutional.4 Parliament responded by amending the constitution to take away the Court's power over fiscal matters.5 Now the Court can no longer review for constitutionality any laws about budgets or taxes unless those laws affect rights that are hard to infringe with budget measures (rights to life, dignity, data privacy, thought, conscience, religion, and citizenship). There are numerous other troubling aspects of this new constitutional order: the gerrymandering of election districts, which makes it hard for any other party to win
an election in the foreseeable future; the removal of the statute of limitations for crimes committed during the Soviet period, which opens the door to selective prosecution of the political opposition; an unwisely large number of "cardinal" laws (that is, laws requiring a two- thirds vote in parliament) that fix details of state policy on issues such as taxes, pensions, and family protection; the troubling constitutional preamble, which gives constituent power to ethnic Hungarians both at home and abroad while leaving out all other citizens; the references to the historic constitution, which invite (among other things) revisiting the 1920 Treaty of
Trianon (which set Hungary's borders after the Habsburg Empire was defeated in the First World War); the sudden deregistration of more than three-hundred churches that had operated in Hungary for years; and incursions on the independence of the Hungarian Central Bank.
 
 
Can Outsiders Help?
Erin K. Jenne, Cas Mudde  pp. 147-155
Abstract (summary)
Yet a number of factors hamstring outsiders' ability to persuade Fidesz to reverse its illiberal policies. Because Fidesz came to power through free and fair elections and Orbán is not a radical right-wing ideologue like the late Jörg Haider in Austria, the EU has had difficulty framing a valid legal argument against the Fidesz leadership. Orbán has consistently claimed democratic legitimacy, while noting the lack of democratic accountability in the EU and IMF.\n Thus foreign support for the opposition would risk discrediting the movement altogether. [...]even if the opposition succeeded in taking back the government in the next elections, Fidesz has achieved a grip over the country's public institutions so tight that it will likely require more than a mere
change in political leadership to unclench it.
 
 
The Surprising Success of Multiparty Presidentialism
Carlos Pereira, Marcus André Melo pp. 156-170
Abstract (summary)
Indonesia has been stable as a multiparty presidential regime since the fall of Suharto's authoritarian New Order and the transition to democracy in 1999. Since 2004, the governing coalition there has consisted of five parties with seats in congress plus eighteen supporting but unseated parties.3 The unexpected stability of multiparty presidential regimes demands further research. [...]will this tendency not become all the more worrisome when such executives enjoy only weak support from parties and face fragmented legislatures? [...]constitutional-design experts viewed strong presidencies as terrible things to introduce into multiparty systems. 6 In
the 1980s, comparativists went part of the way toward correcting this bias.