Referensi Jurnal & Buku Politik

Journal of Theoretical Politics, Volume 24, Number 4, October 2012

On the rhetorical strategies of leaders: Speaking clearly, standing back,
and stepping down
Torun Dewan and David P Myatt
Followers wish to coordinate their actions in an uncertain environment. A follower would like his action to be close to some ideal (but unknown) target; to reflect his own idiosyncratic preferences; and to be close to the actions of others. He learns about his world by listening to leaders. Followers fail to internalize the full benefits of coordination and so place insufficient emphasis on the focal views of relatively clear leaders. A leader sometimes stands back, by restricting what she says, and so creates space for others to be heard; in particular, a benevolent leader with outstanding judgement gives way to a clearer communicator in an attempt to encourage unity amongst her followers. Sometimes a leader receives
no attention from followers, and sometimes she steps down (says nothing); hence a leadership elite emerges from the endogenous choices of leaders and followers.
communication  leadership  rhetoric
An alternative mechanism through which economic inequality facilitates
collective action: Wealth disparities as a sign of cooperativeness
Tim Johnson and Oleg Smirnov
Past models treat economic inequality as an exogenous condition that can provide individuals a dominant  incentive to produce collective goods unilaterally. Here we part with that tradition so as to treat economic inequality and collective action as endogenous, and to examine whether economic inequality can foster collective action even when all individuals can gain from free-riding. Using evolutionary game theory and computer simulations, we study whether cooperation can evolve when agents play multiple, one-shot prisoner’s dilemma (PD) games per generation and employ strategies that condition cooperative play on their game partners’ wealth holdings. In this game environment, we find that collective action succeeds via a strategy in which players choose to cooperate when joining a PD with an economic equal and defect when partnered with a player possessing wealth holdings unequal to their own. These results signal an alternative avenue through which economic inequality can influence the viability of collective action. Coequals  collective action  cooperation  economic inequality  prisoner’s dilemma
Dropping the unitary actor assumption: The impact of intra-party
delegation on coalition governance
Thomas M Meyer
What happens to cabinet governance if parties do not act as ‘unitary actors’? In this paper, I examine the consequences of intra-party dissent for coalition governments in parliamentary systems. Drawing on the principal–agent literature, I develop a model in which party agents, namely cabinet ministers and legislators rather than parties as collective actors, decide on specific policies. The individuals’ amount of loyalty determines the degree of party unity. I use simulation techniques to analyze the power of an agenda-setting minister in a two-party coalition conditional on the level of party unity. The results suggest that the minister’s agenda-setting power diminishes if parliamentarians and cabinet members aim at implementing their personal policy preferences. However, the party not in charge of the respective portfolio may benefit from disunity within its own ranks. This counter-intuitive result raises doubts about the widespread view that internal unity strengthens the bargaining power of political parties. agency problems  delegation  parliamentary democracy parties unitary actor assumption
Narrowing the field in elections: The Next-Two rule
Steven J Brams and D Marc Kilgour
We suggest a new approach to narrowing the field in elections, based on the ‘deservingness’ of candidates to be contenders in a runoff, or to be declared one of several winners. Instead of specifying some minimum percentage (e.g., 50) that the leading candidate must surpass to avoid a runoff (usually between the top two
candidates), we propose that the number of contenders depends on the distribution of votes among all candidates. Divisor methods of apportionment proposed by Jefferson and Webster, among others, provide measures of deservingness, but they can prescribe a runoff even when one candidate receives more than 50 percent of
 the vote. We propose a new measure of derservingness, called the Next-Two rule, which compares the performance of candidates to the two that immediately follow them. It identifies as contenders candidates  who are bunched together near the top. We apply the Next-Two rule to several empirical examples. apportionment methods  contenders in elections  runoff elections  short lists
Qualitative voting
Rafael Hortala-Vallve
Can we devise mechanisms that allow voters to express the intensity of their preferences when monetary transfers are forbidden? Can minorities be decisive over those issues they feel very strongly about? As opposed to the usual voting system (one person – one decision – one vote), we propose a voting system where each
agent is endowed with a fixed number of votes that can be distributed freely among a set of issues that need to be approved or dismissed. Its novelty relies on allowing voters to express the intensity of their preferences in a simple manner. This voting system is optimal in a well-defined sense: in a strategic setting with two voters,
two issues and preference intensities uniformly and independently distributed across possible values, Qualitative Voting Pareto dominates Majority Rule and, moreover, achieves the only exante optimal (incentive-compatible) allocation. The result also holds true with three voters, as long as the voters’ preferences towards the issues differ sufficiently. alternatives to Majority Rule  conflict resolution intensity problem  voting
Partisan agenda control in the US house: A theoretical exploration
Jeffery A Jenkins and Nathan W Monroe
While a number of scholars have focused on the importance of partisan agenda control in the US House,  few have examined its uneven consequences within the majority party. In this paper, we explore ‘counterfactual’ utility distributions within the majority party, by comparing policy outcomes under a party-less median voter model
to policy outcomes under party-based positive and negative agenda control models. We show that the distribution of policy losses and benefits resulting from agenda control are quite similar for both the positive and negative varieties. In both cases, moderate majority-party members are made worse off by the exercise of partisan agenda control, while those to the extreme side of the majority-party median benefit disproportionately. We also consider the benefit of agenda control for the party as a whole, by looking at the way changes in majority-party homogeneity affect the
summed utility across members. Interestingly, we find that when the distance between the floor and majority-party medians decreases, the overall value of positive and negative agenda control diminishes. However, we also find support
for the ‘conditional party government’ notion that, as majority-party members’ preferences become more similar, they have an increased incentive to grant agenda-setting power to their leaders.

Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory, Volume 22 Issue 4 (October 2012)

jurnal publicARTICLES
Race and Gender Bias in Three Administrative Contexts: Impact on Work Assignments in State Supreme Courts
Robert K. Christensen, John Szmer, and Justin M. Stritch
Do certain types of administrative processes better inhibit race and gender prejudices that may surface in the public workplace? We compare the effects of three distinct
administrative settings on race, gender, and other biases in the workload assignments of state supreme court justices—important public policy making settings that have been understudied in public administration. In particular, we model the extent to which majority opinion–writing assignment processes exhibit prejudice in states that use randomized assignments, rotated assignments, or fully discretionary assignments, respectively. Our findings confirm that administrative process matters. We use theories of status characteristics and administrative oversight to explain the relationship between administrative context and workload assignment patterns. Based on data from all 50 states, we discover that prejudice exists but that certain administrative processes serve better than others to suppress race and gender biases.
Does My Boss's Gender Matter? Explaining Job Satisfaction and
Employee Turnover in the Public Sector
Jason A. Grissom, Jill Nicholson-Crotty, and Lael Keiser
Substantial literatures exist examining public personnel turnover and the role of gender in public management. We bring these two strands of research together to test hypotheses concerning the impact of manager gender on the job satisfaction and turnover of public sector workers. In particular, we test whether manager gender influences satisfaction and turnover per se versus the competing claim that gender congruence between managers and employees, regardless of gender, is the relevant construct. Using data from a nationally representative sample of public school teachers and principals and employing a fixed effects design that implicitly compares
male and female employees in the same school, we find evidence that supervisor gender matters for satisfaction and turnover. We also find important effects of gender congruence, which appear to be driven by lower satisfaction and greater turnover among male teachers with female principals.
Accountability in Higher Education: Exploring Impacts on State
Budgets and Institutional Spending Patterns
Thomas M. Rabovsky
In recent years, performance-based accountability regimes have become increasingly prevalent throughout government. One area where this has received considerable attention in recent years is higher education, where many states have adopted funding policies that seek to tie institutional funding to objective measures of performance. To what extent have these policies been effective tools for restructuring financial incentives and exerting influence over administrative behavior? Using data from the Integrated Postsecondary Education Data System, this article finds that performance-funding policies have not had substantial impacts on state budgets but that they have had some limited influence on institutional spending priorities. Furthermore, effects on institutional spending were found
to be greater on public research universities than other public colleges.
Decentralization, Devolution, Financial Shortfalls, and State Priorities
in Service Programs in the Early 2000s
Michael R. Sosin
Although decentralization and devolution in some ways increase state governments’ discretion, they in other ways may limit that discretion. The current study tests the thesis that, at least in the early 2000s, discretion declined in some states’ substance abuse service systems; states experiencing a financial shortfall came to adopt the federal government’s service priorities. These states largely acted because of the institutional dominance of the federal government. The thesis is supported by
analyses of two waves of data from a nationally representative sample of providers of outpatient substance abuse services. The study considers several uses of the findings: supplementing the perspective that argues that states lose discretion due to decentralization and devolution-induced economic disincentives, understanding the diffusion of federal policies relating to the Temporary Assistance to Needy Family program, generally suggesting some limits to state discretion, and thus
helping to reconceptualize the benefits and costs of decentralization and devolution.
The Tangled Web: Unraveling the Principle of Common Goals in Collaborations
Siv Vangen and Chris Huxham
This article addresses a “goals paradox” that suggests that both congruence and diversity in organizations’ goals influence success in collaboration. Using extensive empirical data, we develop a framework that portrays goals as an entangled, dynamic, and ambiguously hierarchical web of variously perceived, higher-
and lower-level goals that can be characterized across six dimensions: level, origin, authenticity, relevance, content, and overtness. We then explore the paradox in terms of the framework and so propose a much elaborated theoretical understanding of it. This provides theoretical and practical understanding relevant to
management and governance in and of collaboration.
What Drives Entrepreneurial Orientation in the Public Sector? Evidence
from Germany’s Federal Labor Agency
Timo Meynhardt and Fabian E. Diefenbach
Along with the introduction of private sector management tools, public servants are expected to act more entrepreneurially—as public managers. However, research lacks quantitative evidence on what drives entrepreneurial orientation (EO) in this context. Our article examines the antecedents of department -level EO in public sector organizations. By integrating different research streams into one study, we
combine partly opposing discourses. This deductive study develops and empirically tests hypotheses on antecedents identified from private sector corporate entrepreneurship literature and from the current debate on new public management and public value management. It uses data from 250 middle managers of Germany’s Federal Labor Agency to do so. Contrary to expectations, the influence of management support, work discretion, and resources is only limited. Furthermore, a focus on key performance indicators and goal ambiguity does not seem to impede EO. Instead, a multitude of expectations, middle managers’ localism, and position tenure have the greatest impact on department-level EO. As a result, this study provides insights into the strong role of antecedents outside of administration. The article concludes with a discussion of implications for both theory and practice.
A Hermeneutic Approach to Explaining and Understanding Public Controversies
Raul P. Lejano and Ching Leong
Notwithstanding the growing use of interpretive analysis in public administration and policy research, its fullest potential for evaluating intractable public conflict has yet to be tapped. We develop a mode of narrative analysis, partly based upon Paul Ricoeur's hermeneutics, that shows promise for analyzing public disputes. We illustrate this with a case study in Los Angeles involving a contentious proposal to
inject recycled wastewater into the city’s water supply. The analysis reveals that, by representing opposing interests with a simplistic narrative, the water industry’s response has been superfluous. The latter assumes that impasse simply results from the public’s lack of information, the logical response being an information dissemination campaign. We employ a hermeneutic approach to reveal a set of
persistent issues that project proponents have hitherto failed to address. By respecting the inherent plurivocity and intertextuality of narrative, hermeneutics provides new inroads into controversial public issues. We close the discussion with implications for practice.
Public Participation, Procedural Fairness, and Evaluations of Local
Governance: The Moderating Role of Uncertainty
Mitchel N. Herian, Joseph A. Hamm, Alan J. Tomkins, and Lisa M. Pytlik Zillig
The purpose of this article is to test whether the use of public participation by a local government increases perceptions of procedural fairness among the public and to propose an explanation for why fairness is a strong predictor of satisfaction with governmental decisions. To do this, we draw on the uncertainty management model to hypothesize that indications of procedural fairness can increase public support for government and its decisions and that fairness effects are greater for
individuals who are more uncertain (less knowledgeable) about the governmental body in question. To test the hypothesis, we embedded an experiment in a survey of the public that was used by a local government to inform its budgetary decisions. The results provide support for the notion that governmental use of public input does increase perceptions of governmental fairness and that, in turn, perceptions of fairness have stronger relationships with overall governmental assessments
for those who are relatively uncertain about a governmental institution.
Keeping the Lights On: How Government Funding Concerns Drive
the Advocacy Agendas of Nonprofit Homeless Service Providers
Jennifer E. Mosley
Human service nonprofits have historically played an important role in advocating on behalf of the vulnerable populations that they serve. Growth in privatization has led many scholars and practitioners to wonder if increased dependence on government funds would compromise this role. The objective of this study is to explore the relationship between government funding and advocacy participation, goals, and tactics through a qualitative investigation of advocacy involvement in the field of homeless services. Results demonstrate that having government funding is associated with managers being highly motivated to participate in advocacy in the hopes of solidifying funding relationships. As a result, advocacy goals are focused primarily on brokering resources and promoting the organization rather than substantive policy change or client representation. Furthermore, in order to be perceived as a
legitimate partner to government, organizations reject confrontational methods and advocate as insiders. Overall, these findings indicate perceptions about advocacy may need to shift as increased reliance on government funding has made advocacy participation and participation in collaborative governance virtually indistinguishable.
To Trust or Not to Trust? What Matters in Local Government-Vendor Relationships?
Meeyoung Lamothe and Scott Lamothe
Relational contracting or collaborative governance has come to the forefront of scholarly studies of government privatization efforts. The concept of trust (between contracting governments and their vendors) is rising in importance as one of the central tenets of this type of governance. What is largely understudied in the midst of this increasing attention to the topic is identifying how and under what conditions trust is formed and sustained. Borrowing from economic, organizational, sociological, and management theories, we develop competing hypotheses to examine what determines the extent of trust contracting governments display toward their service providers. Our findings suggest that local governments tend to place more confidence in their vendors’ faithfulness and honesty when their contracting partners are from the same sector (i.e., other governmental units), had known reputations prior to the relationship, have strong community ties, and perform their tasks well. Interestingly, several economic theory-based explanations—rational choice and game theory, social exchange theory, and transaction cost economics —find only limited support.

Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, Volume 43, Issue 03, October 2012

souteastResearch Articles
From Merdeka! to massacre: The politics of sugar in the early years of the Indonesian republic
G. Roger Knight (pp 402 – 421)
Between 1945 and 1965, what may be broadly defined as the politics of sugar in Indonesia passed
through several critical stages. The industrial manufacture of sugar had begun in the Netherlands
Indies in the mid-nineteenth century, but after a slump during the 1930s Depression, the industry
virtually went into abeyance during the Japanese Occupation (1942–45). After the war, the years of
struggle for Merdeka! (freedom) also saw a partial revival of the industry, which continued through national revolution and independence (1949) through to an incremental nationalisation in the late 1950s. Developments in the sugar industry culminated in massacre, rather than merdeka, however. The campaign against the PKI (Indonesian Communist Party) which began in 1965 resulted in the
murder of labour unionists and peasant activists associated with the sugar industry. This paper traces  the course of events from Merdeka to massacre, focusing on the sugar industry of East Java's Brantas valley. Its themes, however, relate to the industry in Java as a whole, and the question of  why the commodity production of sugar came to be so deeply embroiled in the politics of the new republic.
The Papar Land Protest, 1910–11
Danny Wong Tze Ken (pp 422 – 440)
One of the recurring problems that emerged during the height of European expansion into Southeast Asia was the encroachment of European enterprises into indigenous lands. In most cases, problems existed especially in the manner that landholdings were understood by the natives vis-à-vis the new  land laws introduced by the colonial powers. This often led to disputes which resulted in the natives
being deprived of their rights. This paper looks into a case where the Dusun in Papar, North Borneo — an indigenous people — took the European colonial government to court over land rights which involved land encroachments by European enterprises and railways. The event took place barely 30 years after the first contact with European civilisation took place. The paper will examine the nature  of the case and also investigate the role played by the Dusun and their fight against the government.
The paper will also investigate the role of an English lawyer retained by the Dusun for the case, and that of the Roman Catholic Mission in championing the affairs of the indigenous people.
Khmer peasants and land access in Kompong Thom Province in the 1930s
Mathieu Guérin (pp 441 – 462)
Based on Cambodian and French archival records, which include colonial and local administration reports, tax rosters and judicial sources, this paper explores landownership in Cambodia in the 1930s. It shows that, contrary to common belief, land access was already an issue in the 1930s. The study of tax registers of three communes in the province of Kompong Thom presents a Khmer rural society
dominated by peasants with average-sized landholdings, but where landless peasants or those with  very small holdings also existed. It also stresses that women were able to become efficient farm operators. In addition, this analysis of the different sources available shows that Khmer rural society in Kompong Thom was a form of gerontocracy dominated by men aged over 40.
Frontier capitalism and the expansion of rubber plantations in southern Laos
Pinkaew Laungaramsri (pp 463 – 477)
This article examines the recent expansion of large-scale rubber plantations in border areas of Laos and argues that this phenomenon as well as the attendant land concession controversy must be understood from the perspective of resource frontiers. While transnational Vietnamese investment in rubber plantations represents one form of land capitalisation, their establishment in southern Laos has been part of the turbulent political economic transition in Laos. Collaboration between frontier
states which often bypasses central governance, chaotic boundaries between what is recognised as ‘used or productive’ and ‘unused or underproductive resources’, and regulatory disorientation of resource control allow what I call ‘frontier capitalism’ to proliferate.
Fishing families and cosmopolitans in conflict over land on a Philippine island
Magne Knudsen (pp 478 – 499)
Research on the social effects of tourism and beachfront property development in Southeast Asia finds that foreigners and local elites reap the main benefits, rather than fishing families and coastal communities, who also become vulnerable to displacement. This article, discussing cleavages and co- operation among parties brought together in court cases over land on a Philippine island, demonstrates that poor coastal dwellers just north of Dumaguete City on Negros Island differ in their
ability to use social relations within and beyond kin groups to resist development-induced displacement from the increasingly lucrative foreshore. Members of families who are considered to be descendants of the ‘original people of the place’ have been far less vulnerable to displacement pressure than settlers with more of a ‘migrant’ status.
The Ifugao agricultural landscapes: Agro-cultural complexes and the intensification debate
Stephen Acabado (pp 500 – 522)
Most models that explain the development of agricultural systems suggest evolutionary relationships between extensive (e.g. swidden cultivation) and intensive (e.g. wet-rice cultivation) forms of production. Recent information from highland Southeast Asian farming systems questions the validity of this assumption. As a case in point, this article presents the results of a combined ethnographic study and spatial analysis of the Ifugao agricultural system in the northern Philippines,
 focusing in particular on the relationships among intensive rice terracing, swidden farming and agroforestry (Ifugao forest management). Informed by the Ifugao example, this article suggests that extensive and intensive systems are often concurrent and compatible components of a broad- spectrum lifeway.

Party Politics, Volume 18 Number 6, November 2012

The Europeanization of electoral politics: An analysis of converging voting distributions
in 30 European party systems, 1970–2008
Daniele Caramani, p. 803-823
‘Nationalization’ theories have been used to explain the integration of electorates and party systems in democratizing and newly formed national polities. This article extends these theories to the ‘Europeanization’ of politics and to the European
 Union as an emerging supra-national democratic space. Analysing electoral data for national elections in 30 countries from 1970 to 2008,  the article looks at the convergence of party systems in Europe. Results attest to increasingly homogeneous voting distributions for  parties of a same family across national electorates, indicating an incipient party system institutionalization at the European level.
The article shows that homogeneous patterns are stronger for parties belonging to the left–right dimension and less so for parties stemming from cultural cleavages. In the light of the debate on democratic deficit, the structuring of electoral alignments is interpreted as enhancing the democratic linkage between voters and representatives, and seen as a prerequisite for responsive and accountable politics in the EU.
Personalization of national election campaigns
Hanspeter Kriesi, p. 825-844
The empirical evidence concerning the ‘personalization of politics' thesis is, at best, mixed. The analysis of a new data-set on the media coverage of national elections in six Western European countries serves to reinforce this overall rather sceptical conclusion.  The analysis shows that, in the national elections in the six countries covered (Austria, France, Germany, the Netherlands, Switzerland, and the United Kingdom [UK]), there is no general trend to increasing personalization or increasing concentration of  the media coverage on a limited set of particularly visible personalities. Among the six countries, the exception to this overall
assessment is the Netherlands, where we find both a trend towards increasing personalization and increasing concentration of  the public attention on a limited set of personalities. Rather than an increasing level of personalization, what we generally observe are large country-specific differences in the overall degree of personalization and of the concentration of attention on the top candidates.
Defining and measuring niche parties
Markus Wagner, p. 845-864
Various scholars have recently argued that niche parties are to be distinguished from mainstream parties, in particular because  the two party types differ in their programmes, behaviour and strategies. However, so far there has been no attempt to provide  a concise, measureable definition of the niche-party concept. In this article I argue that niche parties are best defined as parties that compete primarily on a small number of non-economic issues. The occurrence of niche parties is then operationalized and measured using issue salience information provided by expert surveys and manifesto data. After comparing the findings with existing
definitions, the main characteristics of the niche parties identified are examined in a final step.
Immigration, left and right
Sonia Alonso and Sara Claro da Fonseca, p. 865-884
Using data from the Comparative Manifestos Project, we compare the policy positions of left and right parties with regard to immigration across 18 West European countries between 1975 and 2005. We test two main hypotheses: First, we expect that mainstream parties will  exploit anti-immigrant sentiments in the electorate regardless of extreme right competition. This would indicate that the extreme Right  is not the only driving force behind the recent ‘anti-immigrant turn’ of electoral politics in Western Europe. Second, we expect the mainstream  Left to become increasingly critical towards immigration as its mainstream and/or extreme right competitors intensify their populist rhetoric. Being ‘tough’ on immigration is thus not a prerogative of the Right. We conclude that the impact of the extreme Right on the electoral behaviour of mainstream right parties has been overstated in previous studies.
Ideological misfits: A distinctive class of party members
Emilie van Haute and R. Kenneth Carty, 885-895
In this article, we identify a distinctive type of party member; namely, those who identify themselves as ideologically at odds with their party. Using survey evidence from nine parties in Belgium and Canada, we measure the prevalence of these ‘ideological misfits' and explore the characteristics that define them. While there appears to be no systematic cross-party pattern, it is striking that mass parties of the left have  disproportionately large numbers of such members. To the extent that those parties pride themselves on intra-party democracy, this raises
 questions about their capacity to respond to Downsian drives towards the centre and suggests that May’s law may be one of left-wing disparity.
Perceptions of political party corruption and voting behaviour in Poland
Kazimierz Slomczynski and Goldie Shabad, 897-917
Do perceptions of political party corruption play a significant role in vote choice? More specifically, is intention to vote for a specific party influenced by perceptions of corruption of that party, as well as by perceptions of the degree of corruption of competing parties? To determine whether perceptions of political party corruption matter at all for voters' preferences, we propose a party choice model in which we estimate the influence of perceptions of corruption of each party, net of other variables, on vote intention. We focus on Poland, and use data from the Polish Panel survey, POLPAN, 1988–2008. Our analyses indicate that perceptions of political party corruption have an effect on the decision to participate in elections,
on intention to vote for a particular party and on vote choice regardless of which party is chosen. Assessments of party malfeasance matter even
when other determinants of the vote are considered.
Impact of electoral volatility and party replacement on voter turnout levels
Joseph W. Robbins and Lance Y. Hunter, 919-939
While elections are viewed as the lynchpin of modern democracies, few works have adequately assessed the role played by political parties in mobilizing voters. Much of the extant work has relied on the number of parties in a party system to estimate the impact on voter turnout; not  surprisingly, the voluminous literature on voter turnout has arrived at a theoretical impasse regarding the relationship between party systems
and voter turnout. We argue that in order to better understand the relationship between party systems and voter turnout, researchers should consider other relevant party system measures. In particular, several scholars have surmised that party system stability holds numerous implications for democracies, but there has yet to be an empirical analysis of this claim. In this study, we anticipate that lower volatility and replacement rates – both indicating more stable party systems – should have a positive impact on aggregate turnout. Even when including several control variables,
the results of our cross-sectional time-series analyses confirm our hypotheses.
The importance of being present: Election posters as signals of electoral strength, evidence from France and Belgium
Delia Dumitrescu, p. 941-960
In-depth interviews and survey evidence from French and Belgian party members are used to show that the presence of posters in elections is primarily intended to signal the strength of the party’s campaign. Consistent with parties’ optimal strategies, only major parties use the presence  of posters to signal their power. Minor parties use them to inform the public. The findings shed light on previously unexplored elite behaviour in  comparative settings and provide additional evidence of the importance of neighbourhood visual cues in elections.

Comparative Political Studies, Volume 45, Number 10, October 2012

CPS Okt 2012Articles
Linguistic Recognition as a Source of Confidence in the Justice System
Amy H. Liu and Vanessa A. Baird (pp.1203-1229)
How does linguistic recognition in the courtroom affect popular confidence in the justice system among minorities? The authors argue (a) the recognition of either a minority language and/or a third-party’s language (lingua franca) during judicial proceedings increases confidence levels but (b) the use of a lingua franca is more effective. This is because minorities are more likely to favor an arrangement that levels the playing field by having everyone speak a lingua franca (relative fairness) than one that allows them to use their own language in a courtroom that is otherwise dominated by the majority language (absolute fairness). Using original data measuring the linguistic recognition in the judiciary, the authors find a significant and robust relationship between languages of the court and popular confidence in the justice system.
Amplifying Silence: Uncertainty and Control Parables in Contemporary China
Rachel E. Stern and Jonathan Hassid (pp. 1230-1254)
Well-known tools of state coercion, such as administrative punishment, imprisonment, and violence,
affect far fewer than 1% of Chinese journalists and lawyers. What, then, keeps the other 99% in line?
Building on work detailing control strategies in illiberal states, the authors suggest that the answer is
more complicated than the usual story of heavy-handed repression. Instead, deep-rooted
uncertainty about the boundaries of permissible political action magnifies the effect of each
crackdown. Unsure of the limits of state tolerance, lawyers and journalists frequently self-censor,
effectively controlling themselves. But self-censorship does not always mean total retreat from
political concerns. Rather, didactic stories about transgression help the politically inclined map the
gray zone between (relatively) safe and unacceptably risky choices. For all but the most optimistic
risk takers, these stories—which we call control parables—harden limits on activism by illustrating a
set of prescriptions designed to prevent future clashes with authority. The rules for daily behavior, in
short, are not handed down from the pinnacle of the state but jointly written (and rewritten) by
Chinese public professionals and their government overseers.
The Effect of Elections on Public Opinion Toward Democracy: Evidence From
Longitudinal Survey Research in Algeria
Michael D. H. Robbins and Mark Tessler (pp. 1255-1276)
Given the importance of developing a democratic culture for the long-term survival of democracy, it
is crucial to understand whether and how public support for democracy changes over time in
response to different events, particularly those that may contribute to democratization. Elections are
a key institution associated with democracy; but elections are also found in most nondemocratic
regimes, raising questions about whether electoral experiences affect the way that ordinary citizens
think about democracy. The present article uses original survey data collected in Algeria in 2002,
2004, and 2006 to investigate this question. It finds that individuals who favor platforms, ideological
orientations, or candidates who are excluded from participation in an election and/or believe that an
election has not been free and fair have lower levels of support for democracy after the election than
other members of society.
Diffusion of Regulatory Impact Analysis Among OECD and EU Member States
Fabrizio De Francesco (pp. 1277-1305)
With the exception of few comparative case studies, the literature on regulatory reform and
regulatory impact analysis (RIA) tends to focus on internal political actors, activities, and processes.
Furthermore, empirical analyses of new public management have overlooked the dynamics of
communications among networks of administrative reformers. This article fills these gaps, presenting
results of an event history analysis on the diffusion of RIA. It probes rationales for the origin of RIA
and administrative capacity explanations in combination with variables referring to international and
transnational communication channels of administrative reforms. A hypothesis based on legal origin
is also tested. The findings show that the decision to adopt RIA rests on transnational networks as
well as administrative variables such as government expenditure and legal origin.